114 Chapter 5 Table 5.4: Additional checks for Foreign-born and CEE labour migration Dependent Foreign-born CEE Labour Migration Expected Actual Expected Actual Subjective unemployment risk Neutral to Positive 0.02** (0.01) Neutral to Positive –0.03 (0.03) Chauvinism Neutral to Positive –0.05*** (0.02) Neutral –0.01 (0.06) Social benefits are a strain on the economy Neutral to Positive 0.02 (0.02) Neutral 0.05 (0.06) Subjective poverty risk Neutral to Positive 0.001 (0.02) Neutral to Positive 0.09* (0.05) Leave EU Neutral –0.02 (0.02) Strong Positive 0.03 (0.07) Each row is a different dependent variable, and the columns depict the expected and actual results for foreign-born and CEE labour migration, respectively. Not shown are the control variables, which follow the standards set in this article’s previous models. Standard errors are in parentheses. * p < .1, ** p < .05, *** p < .01 For subjective unemployment risk, the coefficient for foreign-born is positive and statistically significant, indicating that increases in the percentage of foreign-born is associated with a higher perceived risk of unemployment. This result echoes findings from Burgoon et al. (2012) and Dustmann and Preston (2007), which contend that an increase in foreign-born residents can heighten concerns about job security among native populations. In contrast, the effect of CEE labour migration on subjective unemployment risk is not statistically significant. This suggests that the impact of CEE labour mobility on perceived unemployment risk is less pronounced or potentially moderated by other factors. Contrary to expectations, I find that the relationship between foreignborn and welfare chauvinism is negative and significant, suggesting that foreign-born immigration is associated with reduced support for exclusive welfare benefits for natives. Our findings align with Burgoon et al. (2012) who observed that increased interaction with immigrants could lead to improved intergroup relations and reduced exclusivity in welfare support. Similar to Cappelen and Peters (2017) who find that countries with greater intra-EU mobility have lower levels of welfare chauvinism, I do not find a statistically significant relationship between CEE labour mobility and welfare chauvinism. For social benefits as a strain on the economy; both foreign-born and CEE labour migration show non-significant effects on the perception that social benefits strain the economy. The non-significant effects of both foreign-born and CEE labour migration on perceptions of social benefits as a strain on the economy support the idea that immigration’s impact on perceptions of the sustainability of the welfare state may not be as pronounced as often
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